Herculanum (Psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - Espirito J. W. Rochester) - Download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read online. algas. Uploaded by. Roseli De Araujo Gomes. Herculanum (psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - espírito J. W. Rochester).pdf. Uploaded by. Roseli De Araujo Gomes. Print Friendly, PDF & Email The performances of David's Herculanum at Wexford Festival Opera .. Ralph P. Locke is a professor emeritus of musicology at the University of Rochester's Eastman School of Music (located in.
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Eastman/Rochester Studies in Ethnomusicology.. University of .. I contributed a program-book essay— “Herculanum: Opera Grand and. Clinic Trace Metal Laboratory in Rochester, Minnesota, where I performed the bone chemistries. My appreciation to the National Geographic Society for financial. Pdf mile pierre metzmacher portrait of f licien david, Herculanum j. w. rochester parte 1. Glyph list for the font herculanum. Download a printable sle of.
In sum, therefore, this is a book with two goals. It offers a description of the fabric and form of an important class of Romano-British artefact: the house. It also presents some arguments about how these artefacts were used and what this tells us about the ideas and circumstances of the people who used them.
Herculanum (Psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - Espirito J. W. Rochester)
Acknowledgements Countless friends and colleagues have helped me in the intermittent studies that led to the writing of this book. I am unable to properly thank all those who have helped in this regard, but can single-out Tim Williams who is a supporting force in all that I do. Other line drawings were prepared with considerable help from Stefania Perring. Errors are bound to remain.
In some cases these will be the consequence of my stubborn rejection of wiser council, and in others the result of the unchecked introduction of ill-considered revisions. My use of ancient sources has generally relied on published translations from Latin and Greek originals. I made extensive use of the parallel texts in the Loeb Classical Library but also found useful material in source books and other secondary sources especially Gardner and Wiedemann I have additionally exploited on-line libraries available through the world wide web such as the Gnostic Society Library.
Unfortunately I failed to take adequate note of the source of the translations and editions consulted, and cannot therefore give proper credit on such matters where this is due. Few societies have so richly documented their social arrangements, their beliefs and their vanities in architectural form.
The lavishly decorated Roman house with its hierarchical use of space, its command of the contemporary landscape and its complex use of classical form was rich with meaning. Why were houses so vocal and what kind of messages were intended? Space in the Roman world was closely measured, mapped and regulated. The ordering of space was necessarily hierarchical and the Roman landscape was regimented by a series of potent boundaries: dividing sacred from profane, urban from rural, and domestic from public.
It found expression in the grid-plans of new urban foundations. It was represented in the centuriation of territories attached to colonial settlements, where landscapes were measured out in a chequer-board of regular plots. It was manifest in the use of imposing town walls and frontier works to mark boundaries. The city was itself a ritual enclosure, within which sacred laws enabled the government of civic affairs. The concept of boundary and the sanctity of the urbs were powerful instruments in shaping social behaviour.
Rykwert has drawn attention to the potency of the town boundary and the way in which entering through the gates of a city could be seen as a religious act —9. Such boundaries needed to be marked, and hence the importance attached to gates, doorways and arches in the Roman world. This can be seen in the religious and triumphal processions of Rome, where celebrants navigated a ritual landscape in a series of liminal leaps.
Such concepts were readily imported into the house: in so many regards an idealised and rationalised form of urban space. The aristocratic house stood at the heart of a controlled landscape. Land was both the reward of power and the means by which it could be sustained.
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Monuments declared rights of possession. Walls, gates, signs and paths established physical controls over space. Boundaries were marked to facilitate the division of land, the resolution of property disputes and the assessment of taxation liability. Every boundary imposed human order on an uncertain world. Every house was a carefully contrived landmark.
Herculanum (Psicografia Wera Krijanowskaia - Espirito J. W. Rochester)
One of the most constant refrains in Roman architecture was that of nature shaped, subdued and dominated. Famine was a constant threat; and the ability to produce and store surplus both legitimated temporal power and bought allegiance. The landscape of design celebrated the privileged access to the wealth on which the pax Romana was built.
Granaries and barns were given monumental emphasis to better boast the rewards of harvest. Images and inscriptions invoked the gods of abundance and good fortune whose favours were courted. Surplus was not just a gift of Roman engineering, but of Roman peace and of Roman gods. Allegory, history and myth made allusive reference to these powerful arguments.
The proof of surplus was also paraded in lordly largess, and this was made most conspicuously evident at the dinner table.
Lofty dining rooms were as much a symbol of wealth as lofty granaries. This architecture of plenty was eloquent propaganda for the status quo. The importance of architecture in social affairs is richly documented in the written sources. Houses did not simply declare wealth and importance through ostentation. Houses were vehicles for the exercise of patronage.
Their architecture exploited a hierarchy of cultural references that spoke differently to different audiences. Elite society subscribed to a complex range of beliefs and values. Roman mythology, history and religion were exploited to this end in murals and mosaics. These images enhanced status by vaunting learning, taste and sophistication. Roman order involved maintaining a balance, a harmony, between forces. Such harmony was both expressed and promoted by order, and the Roman house was designed not just for mortal use, but with a view to the place of man in the order of things.
Divine forces were present in the affairs of men and were catered for in the design of domestic space. Domestic space was sacred and potent.
The premise is that ideology takes social relations and makes them appear resident in nature or history, giving them a veneer of permanence that protects them from challenge. Aristocratic society is perhaps most concerned with the virtues of order at times of greater stress and insecurity. Architecture and meaning Houses dominated the Roman social landscape even more than they dominated the physical one.
They were seats of power and stages for the performance of domestic ritual. Contemporary sources help us understand how some such houses might have been used, but the evidence is highly partial and not always reliable. In Britain we only have the evidence of the buildings themselves. The argument developed in this book is that Romano-British houses served broadly similar functions to houses in other provinces of the empire, and that they witness both the cultural hegemony of Rome and the heterogeneous and changing nature of Roman identities.
However the evidence is read, it is clear that message was intended. It should therefore be possible to reconstruct social arrangements from the evidence of the house plans. In the design of houses, as with any other artefact, meaning can involve a complex series of references, ranging from the self-explanatory to the impenetrably obscure. Space has curious properties.
Voyages through space are described temporally as well as spatially, and they create different layers of understanding. The house is an event and a journey, as much as it is an artefact and a monument. Postmodern thinking has brought these issues to the fore, and encouraged diverse approaches to our reading of landscape and site. Writers such as Henri Lefebvre and Edward Soja have given impetus to a research community intent on reconceptualising space.
Most current studies recognise that space is temporal and that buildings present ideological arguments. Each society must develop a common and coherent language of building design, since houses need to be used and understood by a variety of players through a range of daily performances.
Ritual and routine articulate domestic and political life. Roman hegemony drew on beliefs and understandings built from a Hellenistic cultural language shared by much of the empire. The root source of power was property, and the architecture of property was a critical component of the shared knowledge that bound Roman elite society. Representations of space derived from this shared knowledge witness conformity with the Roman order. Lefebvre has argued that the spatial practices of society, the routines and rituals of daily life, result in conceptualisations of space made manifest in architectural practice.
These architectural ideas in turn generate the space experienced, where social relationships are articulated through systems of symbols and signs. Lefebvre believes that each mode of production ancient, feudal and capitalist had its own spatial order, and that shifts from one system to another necessarily involved the creation of new types of space. Nothing more clearly marked the passage of Roman rule in Britain than the introduction, manipulation and subsequent rejection of the architectural fashions described in this book.
The architecture that we describe as Roman was the product of a particular understanding of space. Such architecture carried ideological meaning and contributed to both the creation and replication of a power that was qualitatively and quantitatively different to that which came before and after.
The archaeological evidence of consumption and display leaves little doubt that elite society was better able to extract surplus and accumulate wealth under Rome than previously. The architecture described in this book witnesses the disruption of traditional systems of expressing power and the construction of new expressions of identity. These transformations may indeed have been the consequence of a changing approach to the command of economic surplus and may also have served as a catalyst to such change, but this was not necessarily so.
Houses are exciting things to study because they sit at this boundary between cultural and economic, between personal and collective, between real and imagined.
These machines of wood and brick were fashioned for the smooth ordering of domestic affairs within a prevailing social orthodoxy. Genius was not unbound. Some of these factors are fundamental: such as the constraints imposed by site and setting, by the climate and by the laws of physics. Resource availability also had an important impact, both in terms of access to building materials and labour, although such limitations can generally be overcome through the accumulation of wealth.
In most circumstances cultural factors were more important in the design choices that were made. Household and family structure has been a favoured topic in some of the more recent studies of Roman housing e. Hingley and J. Smith Houses incorporate traditional, ritual and otherwise socially embedded design fashions. Such traditions can be established remarkably swiftly in order to establish a required level of cultural precedent.
Within agreed norms, peer group and rank competition can drive a dynamic imitative fashion. Above all houses represent systems of belief. If functional concerns were paramount, then houses would look the same the world over. The things that make houses similar and dissimilar are the ideas — the rules, assumptions and fashions — that govern social behaviour. Space and symbol can be read differently by different groups. Buildings are not only shaped by society but impose constraints on subsequent social actions.
Different forms of behaviour are made more or less appropriate by the suitability of the surroundings. It therefore follows that the spatial arrangements of a house can shed light on contemporary perceptions of social organisation. There is a tension in the evolution of such fashion. Houses are usually the products of many hands, and their design may involve negotiation between disparate interests: those of architect, builder, client, owner, tenant, neighbouring landowners and the community at large.
Houses are often transformed by different generations of tenants, and can have different meanings to different people at different times. The bolder an original architectural statement, the more likely it is to change in impact and meaning as circumstances change.
The process of redundancy can be as telling as the process of creation. The recovery of meaning is further complicated by the limits of archaeological inference. In order to extract a rewarding degree of sense from the houses of Roman Britain it is necessary to make certain assumptions about the language that is being used. These assumptions can be tested through continued application, and proved in the face of alternative interpretative models, but should not be mistaken for an objective reality.
The nature of the evidence from Roman Britain Rome held sway in Britain for nearly four hundred years, and much happened during this time. Britannia was an invention of Rome and the province a mosaic of different peoples and places. So although there are elements of unity and continuity that make it possible to treat Britain as a coherent subject of study, it is important to realise that we are not dealing with a single set of values and understandings.
Different parts of Britain had different experiences of Rome and these changed through time. Everywhere the institutions and apparatus of fourth-century rule differed fundamentally to those that had supported the initial conquest.
This diversity was expressed in the architecture. The subjection of Britain was undertaken in stages.
The Roman House in Britain
After the invasion ordered by the emperor Claudius in AD 43 the legions moved north and west in a series of campaigns. The Romanisation of the southeastern part of the island was soon underway, although the revolt of Boudicca in AD 60 interrupted progress. Further conquest was delayed until the accession of the emperor Vespasian in AD The Flavian period AD 69—96 was characterised by busy military activity in the north and by programmes of civilian construction in the south.
In the south a civil administration developed, based on a series of towns. The plantation of veteran colonies at Colchester, Lincoln, Gloucester and York gave impetus to the process of urbanisation. Others towns provided administrative centres for local communities based on pre-existing tribal divisions.
In its early days Rome conceived of its empire as a subject federation of self-governing city states, most of which paid tribute in exchange for peace and security.
A provincial governor took overall responsibility for the administration of justice and held a monopoly of force, but otherwise Roman rule relied on the active participation of local landowners to serve as magistrates and raise taxes.
Wealth derived from the produce of country, but political power and social status were usually reinforced through urban institutions.
An important landowner needed somewhere to live at the heart of his country estates, as well as a place near to the courts and clubs of town. It seems somewhat churlish to complain that Romano-British houses survive only as ruins, it could hardly be otherwise! There are, however, ruins and ruins, and one of the key problems to confront in this study is the scarcity of complete plans, especially from dated urban contexts.
Most recent investigations have been driven by the requirements of rescue excavation. Since it is rare in the extreme for a modern building plot to coincide with an ancient one those buildings excavated within the constraints of rescue archaeology have been recorded as fragments only.
There are thousands of these building fragments, frequently well studied and tightly dated, but their value is limited by their incomplete nature. The bias of the evidence is towards the more monumental buildings that were easier to recognise and more attractive to study. Research techniques were comparatively primitive when many of these sites were dug, and the published reports lack detail.
It is also unusual to have detailed information on earlier sequences since only the latest buildings were fully exposed. The published evidence does not show how much the buildings had been altered during their use. It is usually the case that where we have good evidence for building plan we have poor evidence for building sequence. Even here it is not possible to establish whether Key to Figure 1 1. Angmering 2. Ashtead Common 3.
Atworth 4. Bancroft 5. Barnsley Park 6. Barton Court Farm 7. Batten Hanger Elsted 8. Beadlam 9. Beddingham, Preston Court Bignor Boughspring, Tidenham Box Boxmoor Boxted Brading Brantingham Bratton Seymour Brislington Brixworth Burham Carsington Chalk Chedworth Cherington Chilgrove Cobham Park Colerne Combley Cox Green Dalton Parlours Darenth Dewlish Ditches Woodmancote Ditchley Downton Eccles Ely Farningham Faversham Feltwell Fishbourne Folkestone Frampton Frocester Court Gadebridge Park Gayhurst Gayton Thorpe Gorhambury Great Casterton Great Staughton Halstock Ham Hill Hambledon Hartlip Hinton St Mary Holcombe Hucclecote Keynsham Kingscote Kingsweston Kirk Sink Langton Latimer Littlecote Park Littleton Llantwit Major Lockleys, Welwyn Lufton 9 Lullingstone Maidstone Meonstoke Mileoak Newport Newton St Loe Norfolk Street North Leigh North Warnborough Northchurch Park Street Piddington Pitney Rapsley, Ewhurst Ridgwell Rivenhall Rudston Shakenoak Southwick Sparsholt Spoonley Wood Stanwick Redlands Farm Tarrant Hinton Thruxton Turkdean Wall Walton on the hill West Park, Rockbourne Whittington Court Winterton Witcombe Woodchester Fifty or so other buildings present plans which require only a modest amount of reconstruction in order to give a similar level of detail, but this remains a small and partial sample.
It is not possible to propose realistic estimates of the number of Roman houses built in Britain.
A recent survey of rural Britain listed some 2, Roman period buildings, most of which were of a high status character Scott It is likely that a list of building fragments found in Roman towns and roadside settlements would be of similar length.
This sample, although numerically large, forms a small and unrepresentative sample of the original population. Only a small minority of the provincial population would have lived in towns; and it has been estimated that even in southern Britain villas did not form more than 15 per cent of the total number of settlements Hingley 4.
But the bias of the evidence lends itself to the interests of this study. More complex structures involve more complex and more socially revealing uses of space. Here we are more concerned with the nature of elite society, than with the circumstances of the rural poor.
In the study of houses spatial information can be reduced to two primary ingredients: units of space, such as rooms and gardens, and the pathways that articulate those spaces. For the purposes of this study, this means giving most of our attention to the different types of rooms that have been found in Romano-British houses. Some rooms contain several discrete spaces of separate character. Early Christian iconography, such as the church mosaics and reliquaries of north Italy, suggests that curtains and wall hangings were frequently used to divide and frame space.
Friends and relatives noticed his lovely singing voice and his comfortable command at the piano. He was therefore enrolled in the choir school of the Aix cathedral, where he received musical instruction and began to compose mellifluous short motets and—despite being very young—to conduct the choir.
After little more than a year, he dropped his studies, having become deeply drawn to the Saint-Simonian movement, a utopian-socialist organization that based its plans for massive—yet peaceful—societal reform on the writings of the late Henri Rouvroy, Count of Saint-Simon. In response, David and some forty other male Saint-Simonians formed a celibate commune just outside of Paris. They tried to put their social ideas into practice, not least by starting a school in Cairo to help local girls receive a Western education.
After Egypt was hit by plague in , David returned to France, and to relative obscurity. Over the next nine years, though, he gradually developed a small career singing, in fashionable homes, songs that he had recently written. He accompanied himself at the piano. The work portrays a caravan moving through a desert somewhere in the Arab-speaking world. For a French composer at the time, however, true success was achieved in the opera house.
During the s and 60s, David composed four comic operas, two of which were performed to great acclaim: Herculanum is a fully serious four-act work that makes extensive use of chorus and elaborate sets and staging. The original production featured some of the best opera singers of the day.
Freely based on historical accounts of the persecution of early Christians by the masters of the Roman Empire, Herculanum tells of a chaste young couple: These pious innocents are brought to the court of a pagan queen, Olympia, at her palace in Herculaneum in French: Herculanum , near Pompeii.
The siblings come from territory near the Euphrates River which flows through regions of what are today Turkey, Syria, and Iraq. They are deviousness personified, in part through their lower-range voices—mezzo-soprano and bass-baritone—and their readiness to launch into flashy coloratura.
Olympia and Nicanor, having made common cause with the Romans against the nascent Christian movement, take advantage of their new-found power to pursue their own selfish agendas. Nicanor is killed by a bolt from Heaven in Act 2, and Satan promptly appears and disguises himself as Nicanor in order to stir up trouble in the rest of the opera. The two roles are sung by the same bass-baritone.
Heaven finally punishes Olympia and her whole pagan community. In Herculanum , David blends elements from Italian and French operatic traditions. The structure of the musical numbers is likewise freely indebted to Italianate models. Both duets close with a cabaletta: These Italianate structures are sometimes significantly altered to serve a dramatic purpose. I surrender to my rapture! This reversal of expectations emphasizes the intensity of his desire and also allows the concluding movement of the aria to provide a contrast: Various other melodies and phrases likewise recur to powerful effect in Herculanum.
The instrumentation and figuration is often interestingly varied in repeated passages. Cornets brighten several passages involving the full brass. A propulsive figure, grimly orchestrated for bassoons and strings in unison, keeps modulating from key to key, leading the beleaguered man to cry out to them all: Were we to close our eyes, we would still know, by hearing alone, that some magical enchantment is coursing through his veins.
Some recent commentators have suggested that Herculanum continues the peaceful social message of the Saint-Simonians: Other commentators prefer to see the work as reflecting the reconciliation in France in the s between liberal politicians and the Catholic Church.
Of course, many operas are marked by complex implications that flow in several different directions at once. A basic tension between impersonal historical forces and individual desire is central to a number of beloved works in the repertory.
It is a delight to see and hear such tensions played out in fresh and imaginative ways in this once-forgotten work from mid-nineteenth-century Paris.Part of the hitherto entrained population little photoadaptation at the higher intensities becomes disentrained deep in the water column.
Marra et al. Half-hour podcast-interview with RPL about the book with musical excerpts on the local public-radio website.
A much quoted example is that of the transformation from native to Roman styles of housing at Park Street in Hertfordshire, where two Iron Age houses were replaced by a small villa with six rooms. Supposing the capacity of the Aster- length penetrates Eq.